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Introduction
Central to
second language acquisition (SLA) theory, research, and pedagogy is the
identification of the variety of input (language reception) and output
(language production) that best leads second language learners toward
mastery of their target language. Researchers over the past 20 years
have sought to corroborate the effects of input and output and many have
produced evidence that naturalistic forms of input (such as immersion in
an environment where the target language is spoken or a classroom that
simulates an immersion experience) and output are not enough for second
language learners to acquire accurate syntax. Instead, many advocate
that instructors provide input and opportunity for output that focuses
learners’ attention on certain grammatical forms. It is believed that a
heightened awareness of such forms will ultimately lead to their
acquisition. However, this is an empirical issue yet to be resolved and
this study provides evidence that improved written form is possible via
naturalistic input and output.
Krashen’s (1985)
Input Hypothesis provided a theoretical framework that claimed that
comprehensible naturalistic input was a path toward second language
acquisition. Rapid changes followed with communicative methodologies
and immersion programs replacing more behavioristic pedagogies (Harley,
1993). Such programs were found to be deficient, however; learners
became fluent and communicative but their syntax was still flawed (Hammerley,
1987; Harley, 1993). Naturalistic input was viewed as incomplete;
instead, input which focuses on form within communicative environments
began to be explored with positive results (Rutherford & Sharwood Smith,
1985; Sharwood Smith, 1991, 1993; Long, 1991; VanPatten & Cadierno,
1993; VanPatten & Sanz, 1995; Doughty & Williams, 1998a; Ellis, R.,
2001).
Swain also countered Krashen with the Output Hypothesis (1985, 1993,
1995) which maintains that comprehensible input is not enough; it is
output that pushes learners into using language that will force them to
recognize certain limitations in their language and rectify their faults
either by serving: 1) a hypotheses-testing function about language via
their interlocutors’ feedback; 2) a metalinguistic function which causes
the learners to reflect on their language and process their syntax more
thoroughly; and 3) a noticing or triggering function as learners are
guided in to producing certain linguistic forms in order for them to
“notice” where they have gone wrong. Instructors guide learners into
producing certain forms which will lead to their acquisition by
“pushing” learners to notice their linguistic limitations. As such,
Swain also advocates focus on form and believes that learners can
benefit significantly from focus on form within communicative classroom
settings (1995).
While focus on form
has been shown to produce short-term gains in the accurate production or
recognition of certain linguistic structures, the long-term effects of
such instruction have not been confirmed and evidence that such input is
necessary is not conclusive (White, 1990; White, Lightbown, Spada, and
Ranta, 1991; Carroll and Swain, 1993; Mackey et. al, 2004; Sheen, R.,
2003). Ron Sheen (2003) goes so far as to call focus on form “a myth in
the making.” Questions about the long-term effects of instruction that
focuses on form beg further examination of a second theoretical position
that argues that primary linguistic data, or naturalistic input, is all
that language internal mechanisms need for acquisition to occur.
Therefore, learned linguistic knowledge via explicit focus on certain
forms may result in short-term metalinguistic knowledge, but may not
affect learners’ underlying linguistic competence, the system of
Universal Grammar (UG), believed to be present in all humans at birth
(Schwartz, 1993; Schwartz and Gubala-Ryzak, 1992; Birdsong, D., 2006).
The goal of this paper is to revisit the concept of naturalistic input
and output that does not seek to focus learners’ attention on any
specific grammatical form by: 1) examining research that concludes that
input and output that focuses on form are beneficial and exposing the
flaws and limitations of these studies, and, 2) presenting a study that
demonstrates enhanced mastery of target language verb forms in writing
by using a methodology that has become known as “Fluency First” (MacGowan
Gilhooley, 1991a). This methodology utilizes naturalistic input and
output in the form of extensive reading and writing and, while limited
in scope, this study demonstrates significant gains in accurate use of
verb forms by 19 student writers without any focus on form.
Input in SLA
Krashen’s influential Input Hypothesis (1981, 1985, 1989) suggested that
comprehensible input that was just a notch beyond learners’ current
competence would allow them to progress along a natural path toward
long-term acquisition. Pedagogies adjusted and immersion programs and
communicative curricula were widely adopted. However, Krashen came
under attack (Gregg, 1984; Faerch and Kasper, 1986a; Sharwood Smith,
1985; White1987a; Gass, 1988; Ellis 1990a) mainly over his assertion
that comprehending input and acquiring language are linked. Many
researchers saw second language acquisition as far more complex with
factors such as age, motivation, first language literacy, attitude, and
cultural assimilation as being also influential. French immersion
programs in Canada have led to fluency but not the mastery of certain
grammatical forms (Harley, 1989a, 1993; Harley and Swain, 1984;
Hammerley, 1987). Despite passionate criticism of the attacks on
French immersion programs (Collier, 1992), many researchers and teachers
now consider it essential that students must have their attention
focused on certain forms in order to make them aware of structures they
may not be producing accurately.
“Focus on form” instruction has come to mean drawing learners’
attention to a particular linguistic form while maintaining emphasis on
meaning and use (Doughty and Williams, 1998; Ellis, 2002). I will,
therefore, use the term focus on form throughout this paper to mean any
attempt to draw learners’ attention to a specific linguistic form within
the context of a meaning-driven communicative environment.
Studies Investigating
Input that Focuses on Form
Many authors of prior studies have used widely divergent methodologies
to investigate the effects of input. Most of these studies (Harley,
1989; Lightbown & Spada, 1990; Doughty, 1991; White et. al., 1991;
White, 1992; Spada & Lightbown, 1993; VanPatten & Cadierno, 1993; Izumi
& Lakshmanan, 1998) have three major methodological shortcomings: 1)
they fail to gather longitudinal data; 2) they use grammar-related
production tasks with little or no spontaneously produced language to
document the effects of instructional input; 3) they rely on special
methods; different instructors; and unusual tasks, equipment, schedules,
and/or materials that draw students’ attention to structures being
investigated. Learners in these studies, I argue, may have been forced
to focus on the explicit grammatical information being provided and,
thus, may have performed better on assessment tasks investigating the
effects of input, often administered hours or days after the instruction
has been provided, than they would have if spontaneous, naturalistic
language data had been collected.
Such assessments investigating the effects of input are demonstrating
the short-term effects of input that focuses on form but shed no light
on whether the effects of such input are transient or truly acquired as
part of the learner’s internalized system. It appears that the effects
of form-focused instruction may be successful only if certain structures
are acquirable for individual learners (Dyson, 1996). There is also
extreme variation in the frequency and characteristics of form-focused
instruction (Loewen, 2003; Mackey et.al., 2004) that may have both
advantages and disadvantages for different learners (Ellis, et. al.,
2002). A review of form-focused instruction and how it affects the
acquisition of implicit knowledge (Ellis, 2002) supports this claim by
suggesting that form-focused instruction is influential if the choice of
the structure and the extent of the instruction are considered as
variables. There certainly must be further study of how instructional
conditions must be met for long-term alteration of learners’ linguistic
knowledge to change.
It is impossible within the scope of this paper to highlight the methods
utilized in each of the studies cited above. One example of a research
method that is indicative of the problems that I have identified in many
studies investigating the effects of input that focuses on form can be
noted, however, in the Doughty (1991) study which investigates the
effects of such instruction on the acquisition of English relative
clauses by 20 international students studying at an intensive English
institute in the U.S. Improvement from pre-test to post-test in the
ability to use relative clauses was compared using a control group which
was exposed to relative clauses but received no instruction in
relativization and an experimental group which was exposed to relative
clauses and were also provided with additional instruction which focused
on relativization in English.
Learners were pre-tested and post-tested using a variety of focused
written and oral tasks. The written measures included two
grammaticality judgment tasks, and two sentence combination tasks. The
oral measure included describing sets of similar pictures depicting
people involved in some sort of action, and another picture depicting a
park scene.
Learners attended “ten working days” of treatment, one “lesson” per
day. Lessons were accessed via computer software and were completed by
participants on an individual basis with the researcher present to
answer any questions. Learners were tested daily to ensure that they
comprehended the lesson material. At the end of the experimental
instruction period, all participants were tested immediately using two
of the original written test sections and two additional sections which
merely substituted different lexical items. The sections of the oral
post-tests were those from the pre-test presented in different orders.
Results showed the instructed group improving greatly in their use of
English relative clauses and found control participants experiencing a
significantly smaller gain than that observed in the experimental group.
The improvement in the experimental group was attributed to the
instructional techniques that provided form-focused instruction on
relativization.
The claims that this study makes about form-focused instruction via
participants’ interaction with instructional computer software are
questionable. While the input has been provided in regular intervals,
it was provided over only a ten-day period. Additionally, the
instructional input is certainly drawing learners’ attention to the form
being taught as the input is administered in a special place, via
special equipment. These special conditions, while drawing learners’
attention to the target structure, may be making them very aware of what
is being presented and subsequently assessed. As the duration of the
study is ten days, the longitudinal effects of this input have not been
ascertained. Additionally, the assessment tasks do not ask the learners
to produce any spontaneous or authentic language. One or more of these
methodological concerns can be seen in all of the studies cited above
and should be considered when the benefits of focus on form instruction
in SLA are touted. Parallel concerns can be seen in studies
investigating the effects of output.
Output and SLA
Equally important and influential in terms of both theory and pedagogy
is the issue of output. Swain’s Output Hypothesis (1985, 1993, 1995)
convincingly suggests that comprehensible input is not enough for
learners to fully develop proficiency in their second language.
Learners must also be forced to produce “comprehensible output” for both
fluency and accuracy in the target language to occur. Where
comprehension can occur without much syntactic analysis on the part of
the learner, output forces the learner to produce syntactic forms, which
allow communication to take place. Furthermore, via output, learners
have to recognize syntactic problems and remedy them (Swain, 1985).
Swain’s original Output Hypothesis has been refined (Swain, 1993, 1995)
to include three functions of output. The first, a hypothesis-testing
function, claims that learners test their hypotheses about language by
producing output and gauging the success of their utterances against the
response of their interlocutors. If their utterances are well formed,
successful communication will transpire; if not, their interlocutors
will signal that modifications in output must be made.
The second function of output is a metalinguistic function that enables
learners to become aware of their output and “control and internalize
linguistic knowledge” (Swain, 1995, p. 126). As such, learners have to
process the linguistic information that they want to produce which may
deepen their awareness of the form and rules of the target language.
This type of syntactic processing may lead to the type of modifications
of output that facilitates acquisition (Swain, 1995).
These first two functions are consistent with a model of output that
relies on processes that allow internal language learning mechanisms to
function. These two functions can be seen as part of the process of
language acquisition that both first and second language learners must
utilize. Indeed, both of these functions can be seen as operable
without enhanced or explicit information on the part of an instructor.
Learners must negotiate meaning with interlocutors in order to
communicate, and the negotiation and production of certain linguistic
forms is certainly a part of any communicative process. As such, these
functions of output can be seen as vital to all language acquisition.
The third function, however, seeks to force output through derived
exercises that force learners to notice certain forms. This
“noticing/triggering function” (Swain, 1995, 1998) leads learners to
notice a gap between what they want to say and what they can say. It is
output, or production of language, that forces learners to notice the
limitations in their language which would trigger them to modify their
output in order to make it more syntactically accurate (Swain, 1995).
Production of the target language may be “the trigger that forces the
learner to pay attention to the means of expression needed in order to
successfully convey his or her own intended meaning” (Swain, 1995, p.
249).
Swain has further
stated (1993) that learners “need to reflect on their output and
consider ways of modifying it to enhance comprehensibility,
appropriateness and accuracy” (p. 161). As such, Swain is an advocate
of focus on form. Studies investigating the effects of output on
learners (Izumi et.al., 1999, Izumi and Bigelow, 2000) have tried to
corroborate Swain’s claim with limited results and such studies can be
questioned for many of the same methodological practices as those seen
in studies examining the effects of input.
Studies Investigating the Effects of Output
Two studies (Izumi, Bigelow, Fujiwara, & Fearnow, 1999; Izumi and
Bigelow, 2000) use the same experimental design to test the noticing
function of output yet have not been able to produce conclusive evidence
to support Swain’s hypothesis. In both of these studies, the
researchers rely on heavily contrived tasks that don’t fully succeed in
drawing learners’ attention to the target form, in these cases the past
hypothetical conditional. Learners, again, are not provided with the
opportunity to demonstrate that the structures in question have become
part of their internalized systems as they have not been given the
opportunity to produce the structure naturalistically. Nor are the
effects of the experimental treatments been examined beyond the month
that each of these studies lasted.
Instructional input in these studies has not been provided to learners
through regular exposure to target language structures.
Izumi et.
al. (1999) and
Izumi and Bigelow (2000) present both their experimental and control
groups “exposure to the input that contained many instances of the
target form used in context” (p. 249) for a total of 5 and 4.5 total
hours respectively. While this can be seen as somewhat naturalistic
input, the choice of vehicle to elicit the output of the target
structure (the past hypothetical conditional) seems contrived. Izumi
and Bigelow (2000) are working within the context of a “process
approach” to composition as this is the approach being used in these
learners’ writing class. Yet, it is highly unlikely that 80% of the
sentences in a “model essay” would contain the past hypothetical
conditional, even in the most focused assignment. As such, this is a
contrived assignment, and a poor example of effective writing; yet this
forced type of output is being used to argue the benefits of focus on
form.
Additionally, grammar-related as well as spontaneous production tasks
are not used to assess the effects of both input and output. Both of
these studies use an essay writing task that is given to the
experimental groups in both studies yet, as previously stated, this task
is extremely contrived. Additionally, the text reconstruction task that
is also used is grammar-related and, like the essay-writing task,
contains a high percentage of sentences containing the target structure
that learners are asked to reconstruct as output. This task is
decontextualized and grammar-related as it supplies the learner with the
structure to be manipulated and will, therefore be prompting learners’
use of explicit knowledge. Birdsong (1989, 2006) points out that such
grammar-related tasks are likely to be affected by differences in
metalinguistic skills. It seems logical that the astute adult learner
will recognize this type of task as manipulative and will likely see it
as foreign to what they would normally be expected to do in a process
writing class. As such, many will be using their metalinguistic skills
to complete the task provided by the researcher. Whether or not the
participants in the Izumi et. al. and the Izumi and Bigelow studies are
aware of what is being investigated and whether such awareness is
affecting the performance of these learners must be called into
question.
As seen in other studies investigating input in SLA, the effects of
input on acquisition have not included longitudinal data. The duration
of the entirety of the Izumi and Bigelow study was 4.5 hours and the
Izumi et. al. study 5 hours - each spread over one month. It does not
seem that this can be enough time to document whether long-term gains
have been made.
Also, the learners in the experimental group are distracted from their
usual writing class by new instructors with different tasks that clearly
focus on one structure. In this case the past hypothetical conditional
is being used in one task 80% of the time. It seems safe to hypothesize
that these learners will be prone to “notice” it more (one of the goals)
but also will be using this metalinguistic awareness to their advantage
in the short-term. The effects of such awareness on the learners’
performance on experimental tasks seems an inefficient predictor of the
long-term benefits of such “noticing.” Until longitudinal data is
collected and learners produce the target structure naturally after
time, the effects of such output can only be seen as short-term and
transient.
Despite the inadequacies of Izumi and Bigelow’s research design, their
results lead to another interesting point of discussion. They found
very little difference in the performance of their experimental and
comparison groups, despite their use of “output” tasks for the
experimental group (Izumi and Bigelow, 2000, p. 260 – 261). This begs
the question as to whether manipulated or enhanced input and output that
focuses on form actually leads to long-term acquisition of these target
structures or whether such gains are simply results of short-term
cognitive strategies.
The in-vogue position regarding enhanced input, output, and focus on
form as evidenced by many recent studies is that it must be beneficial.
But, in addition to the methodological flaws associated with many
studies, another truth is often ignored: even with instruction that
focuses on form over long periods of time, many second language learners
never achieve mastery of form in the target language. This should
encourage a review of whether naturalistic forms of input and output can
lead to evidence of enhanced mastery of form.
As 20 years of research has demonstrated, the effects of input and
output on a learner’s developing linguistic system are complex and
difficult to document. Some of the flaws of prior studies have been
highlighted above and should be taken into consideration when evaluating
research design and results. The purpose of this study, however, is
simply to re-examine whether naturalistic forms of input and output in
the form of extensive reading and writing can lead to increased
syntactic accuracy in the use of verbs by college-age second language
writers.
METHOD
Participants
The 19 participants in this study were members of two sections of
college-level English as a Second Language (ESL) writing classes at a
four-year state college. These matriculated students were placed via a
holistically scored writing sample in a class that is entitled English
as Second Language Writing I. Students who take this class generally
proceed to English as a Second Language Writing II which is the
equivalent of English 101, or Composition I, a class taken by all of the
college’s freshmen. Each of the participants is between 18 and 22 years
of age and has studied English formally from between one and seven
years. The groups were a mix of international students and students who
permanently reside in the United States and the duration of their time
in the U.S. also varied from three months to five years. They were from
Japan, Vietnam, The Dominican Republic, Ukraine, and Taiwan.
The “Fluency First” Method
The “Fluency First” teaching methodology used in these ESL writing
classes was pioneered by at the City College of New York (CCNY) in the
late 1980’s as an attempt to develop an approach to writing that
emphasized fluency before clarity and correctness (MacGowan Gilhooly,
1991a). This model is based on the idea that school programs that
emphasize correctness before fluency are inhibiting young writers from
using language before they even begin (Mayher, Lester, & Pradl, 1983).
A better way to teach writing, these authors reason, is to parallel the
way children learn to speak naturally – by emphasizing meaning and
communication over correctness. They emphasize that fluency, clarity,
and correctness are interconnected aspects of successful language use
that writers cycle “over and over as they mature” (p. 54).
These ideas were adapted by CCNY professors MacGowan Gilhooly and
Rorschach for their college ESL program as a response to what they saw
as ESL instruction which gives “uniformly paced grammar instruction,
exercises to practice that grammar, and intensive work on short, and
unrelated reading and writing assignments with limited vocabulary
exposure” (MacGowan Gilhooly, 1991a). In response, the Fluency First
program emphasizes that second language best develops in ways similar to
first language and, therefore, needs similar types and quantities of
language; and literacy in any language develops in ways that are similar
to oral language development (Mlynarczyk, 1998).
By adhering to these theoretical premises, the Fluency First classroom
offers students extensive exposure to language in the form of reading
and writing - naturalistic forms of input and output. During a typical
15-week semester students read approximately 1,000 pages of popular
literature, either fiction or non-fiction. Additionally, they respond
to their reading by completing daily “double-entry journals” where they
copy a passage that piques their interest on the left-hand side of the
page, and respond to that passage (or passages if necessary) in their
own words on the right hand side of the page. They complete a page a
day, five to seven days per week, which results in between 75 and 100
pages of reading journal per semester. Students are simultaneously
working on five essays of approximately five pages, each taken through
at least three drafts during the course of the semester. They also
freewrite in class for 10 minutes per day and may have other brief
in-class writing tasks.
Classroom communication is further enhanced by students working together
in groups either discussing their reading journal responses and
negotiating comprehension of the text or reading and responding to
drafts of each other’s pieces of writing. The remainder of time in
class may be spent on teacher-led group discussion of the novel or
presentation of strategies to improve, revise, or edit writing.
Students are encouraged to ask questions regarding specific grammatical
points but rarely is grammar presented and there is no effort on the
part of the instructor to focus on form. During the editing or
correctness stage of work on their individual pieces of writing,
students are again encouraged to work on correctness but they rarely ask
for help in this area during class time.
While there is little quantifiable data regarding the success of this
model, most students and teachers at CCNY who have used this approach
have been rewarded with dramatic improvement in students’ reading and
writing. The passing rate on the mandatory reading test of the
two-thirds of all ESL students taught using Fluency First rose by
nearly 100% over several years; the passing rate on the required
50-minute essay exam rose from around 32% to 69% over the same several
year period (Mlynarczyk, 1998). The percentage of students who passed
freshman composition on their first attempt also rose from 57% to 86%
during an eight-year period (Rorschach et. al., 1992).
In keeping with the Fluency First model, the 19 students who
participated in this study were in class for nine hours per week during
the course of a 15-week semester. The two sections of ESL Writing I
were taught by two different instructors, one being the researcher.
However, both instructors collaborated on the amount of reading and
writing assigned and the format of the class and assignments required
were comparable. All participants read approximately 900 pages of
popular fiction during the semester and wrote approximately 75 pages of
double-entry journal (in one section, students read The Green Mile
by Stephen King, and Jurassic Park by Michael Crichton and in the
other class, students read A Scream on the Water by Margaret
Press, and The Prince of Tides by Pat Conroy). Additionally,
they did 10 minutes of freewriting at the start of every class. At the
end of the semester these students also presented five pieces of
polished writing, between 25 and 35 pages, which had been taken through
two or three drafts each.
Table 1 below places the “Fluency First” methodology in a broad
historical context and general overview of language teaching.
Table 1 – A Broad
Overview of Language Teaching
Method/Approach
|
When Most
Prevalent |
Description
|
|
Grammar-Translation
|
1800’s –
Early 1900’s |
Accurate
translation of target texts; no spoken language |
|
|
1940’s –
1970’s |
|
|
|
1970’s –
1980’s |
|
|
|
1800’s -
present |
|
|
|
1980’s -
present |
|
|
|
1980’s -
present |
|
|
Fluency First
|
1990’s -
present |
|
|
Eclectic
|
21st
century |
|
Examination of Verb
Use
In order to best determine the effects of naturalistic input via
extensive reading and writing using the Fluency First model, I examined
participants’ use of verbs in their reading response journals. I chose
the reading journals to study as students wrote their responses to their
reading on a daily basis and did not revise or edit these journal
entries. As they were using their reading journals as a starting-point
for small-group discussions in class and they were evaluated on
completeness of these journals, most of them were prepared with daily
entries. Students were asked to keep their journals and they handed
them in as part of this study at the end of the semester.
I chose errors in verb use to analyze, as correct verb use is critical
to effective communication and central to the syntax of every sentence.
As such, verbs are easy to locate and identify and their large numbers
best lead to the quantification of errors in usage. The first 100 verbs
in each participant’s journal (written in weeks one or two of the
semester) were identified and coded as were the last 100 verbs of each
journal (written in weeks 14 or 15 of the semester). Verbs were coded
as having either correct usage or as having one of eight patterns of
error. The types of error that were identified are:
1.
inappropriate verb tense
Ex: 1a.
I have
the similar experience once.
2a. (When I was a child) we can wear different
clothes.
2. missing subject
Ex: 2a. Secondly, canceled a dancing date.
3. missing or extra auxiliary verb
Ex: 3a. In the US people are tend to change their jobs.
3b. What Tom think about his sister’s feminism?
4. inaccurate verb form or morphology
Ex: 4a. It could have happen to him.
4b. The guy must not imposed on her feelings.
5. conjugation of an infinitive
Ex: 5a. People use to said one thing but they have
something more in mind.
6. missing copula or main verb
Ex: 6a. Something telling me that it just another day
with lying Tom.
7. faulty agreement
Ex: 7a. She have been there often.
8. word order
Ex: 8a. She have should done it.
Methodological Criteria
As I have highlighted problems with prior studies that used
controversial means of providing input and eliciting output, I have
sought to: 1) use both authentic input and spontaneous output to
analyze the language of learners in this study; 2) collect data
longitudinally over the course of a 15-week academic semester and, 3)
eliminate the use of special methods, different instructors, or unusual
tasks, equipment, or materials. I propose that these be minimum
standards that researchers should adopt when investigating the effects
of input and output on SLA.
RESULTS
Overall Reduction of verb-use errors
Participants in this study showed significant overall improvement in
reducing their number of errors in verb use over the course of the
15-week semester. This provides evidence that naturalistic input and
output in the form of extensive reading and writing does result in
increased syntactic accuracy. Of the 19 participants, all but three
showed improvement in their overall error rate in verb use as written in
their double-entry reading response journals at the end of the
semester. Of 100 verbs counted and coded for verb use errors at the
beginning of the semester, which I will call the pre-assessment,
and at the end of the semester, which I will call the post-assessment,
the participant with the highest rate of improvement made 28 fewer
errors and had a 46% rate of improvement on the post-assessment. The
student with the lowest rate of improvement made only one fewer error on
the post-assessment. On the pre-assessment, participants averaged 27.6
out of 100 verb-use errors as compared to 19.8 out of 100 errors on the
post-assessment. The overall rate of improvement for all 19
participants was a rate of 8.4 errors fewer on the post-assessment, a
28% gain in reducing their verb use errors during the course of the
study. Of the three students that did not reduce their number of
errors, one made four more errors on the post-assessment; one made one
more error; and the third showed the same error rate at the end of the
semester.
Table 2 below provides the total number of errors on the pre and
post-assessments for all participants and the reduction in the total
number of verb use errors.
Table 2 Overall Error Reduction

Number of errors
Student
|
Pre-Assessment |
Post-Assessment |
#
Errors
Reduced |
Percentage of errors reduced
|
1
|
61
|
33
|
28
|
46
|
2
|
49
|
44
|
5
|
10
|
3
|
45
|
43
|
2
|
4
|
4
|
41
|
35
|
6
|
15
|
5
|
38
|
32
|
6
|
16
|
6
|
38
|
20
|
18
|
47
|
7
|
34
|
14
|
20
|
59
|
8
|
28
|
32
|
-4*
|
-14*
|
9
|
|
|
|
|
10
|
21
|
12
|
9
|
43
|
11
|
19
|
11
|
8
|
42
|
12
|
18
|
18
|
0
|
0
|
13
|
18
|
17
|
1
|
5
|
14
|
17
|
2
|
15
|
88
|
15
|
17
|
11
|
6
|
35
|
16
|
16
|
17
|
-1*
|
-6*
|
17
|
16
|
9
|
7
|
44
|
18
|
14
|
11
|
3
|
21
|
19
|
12
|
6
|
6
|
50
|
Totals 525
376
149
Average 27.6
19.8
8.4 28%
*
Negative numbers in these two cases indicate an increase in errors made
Figure 1 below provides the same data in graph form organized from left
to right by participants with the highest to lowest number of errors at
the beginning of the study. While 16 of 19 participants showed a
reduction in their number of errors, there does not appear to be a
pattern of elimination of errors that correlates to higher number of
errors on the pre-assessment. This discrepancy may have to do with
initial level of English proficiency and overall ability to read and
write.
Figure 1
Overall Error Reduction


In order to determine if the difference apparent in the data are
statistically significant, a t-test was performed on participants’
overall error reduction. This showed a significant error reduction of
the naturalistic input and output via extensive reading and writing
provided through the Fluency First methodology (t=4.827, p<=.001).
Most Frequent Errors
In examining
the type of error that participants made most frequently, an even
greater rate of success is shown. Of the 19 participants, 17 showed an
improved rate of grammatical accuracy in their use of verbs in the
category that they made the most errors in the pre-assessment. Of the
categories of error listed above, the most prevalent in these
participants are 1) inappropriate verb tense, the highest category for
seven of the participants, and, 2) inaccurate verb form or morphology,
the highest category for eleven of the participants. Agreement was the
highest category of error for one of the participants. Table 3 below
provides the number of errors in each participant’s highest category of
error on the pre and post-assessments and the reduction in the number of
these particular errors between the pre and post-assessments. Overall,
participants made an average of 10.7 errors of the same type in the
pre-assessment, and 4.5 errors in the post-assessment, an average rate
of improvement of 57% in reducing their most prevalent verb use errors
during the course of the study. Two of these learners showed complete
elimination, or 100% improvement, in their highest category of error and
four improved by 50% or more.
Table 3
Number of Errors in each Participant’s Highest Category
Number of Errors
Student
|
Pre-
Assessment |
Post-Assessment |
Reduced |
Percentage of Improvement
|
1
|
38
|
14
|
24
|
63
|
2
|
11
|
2
|
9
|
82
|
3
|
17
|
13
|
4
|
24
|
4
|
10
|
7
|
3
|
30
|
5
|
10
|
4
|
6
|
60
|
6
|
18
|
5
|
13
|
72
|
7
|
12
|
3
|
9
|
75
|
8
|
11
|
13
|
-2*
|
-18*
|
9
|
|
|
|
|
10
|
15
|
5
|
10
|
67
|
11
|
6
|
2
|
4
|
67
|
12
|
5
|
3
|
2
|
40
|
13
|
6
|
4
|
2
|
33
|
14
|
8
|
0
|
8
|
100
|
15
|
10
|
2
|
8
|
80
|
16
|
6
|
2
|
4
|
67
|
17
|
6
|
2
|
4
|
67
|
18
|
3
|
3
|
0
|
0
|
19
|
5
|
1
|
4
|
80
|
Totals
204 85
119
Averages
10.7 4.5
6.3 57%
*
Negative numbers in this case indicates an increase in errors made
Figure 2 provides the
same information in graph form and highlights the improvement in verb
use on the 19 participants in the category of error that they initially
made most frequently.
Figure 2
Highest Category of Error


In
order to determine if the difference apparent in the data are
statistically significant, a t-test was performed on participants’
reduction of their highest category of error. This showed a significant
error reduction of the naturalistic input and output via extensive
reading and writing provided through the Fluency First methodology
(t=4.268, p<=.000).
DISCUSSION
Overall
Improvement
What participants in this study demonstrate is that improved written
syntactic form, in this case in the use of verbs, is possible via
naturalistic input and output in the form of extensive reading and
writing. Participants as a group show an average 28% improvement in
eliminating all verb errors over the course of 15 weeks. Why two of the
participants made slightly fewer errors and one made the same number of
overall errors on the pre-assessment than on the post-assessment can not
be fully explained. What we can assume is that there is variability in
language proficiency, motivation, and personal and affective factors at
play here as in all second language learning environments. What is
important to note is that improved form has occurred without any focus
on form on the part of the instructor and without input or output that
has been enhanced or manipulated in any way. We also see participants
using authentic language over four months, a period of time well beyond
the average of most studies that claim positive effects of form-focused
instruction or enhanced input and output.
Elimination of
Specific Errors
Participants in this study made the most initial errors in use of
inappropriate verb tense and in inaccurate verb form or morphology. In
close examination of these errors, patterns comparable to those seen in
overall error rates emerge. Of the 19 participants, all but two show
improvement in their most prevalent errors over the course of 15 weeks,
with several showing dramatic improvement. Participants improved an
average of 57% in eliminating their most frequent errors.
What About More
Problematic Structures?
This study has not looked at the improved syntactic accuracy in
less-frequently heard and produced structures (such as the past
hypothetical conditional) and, certainly, this is one of the arguments
for the need for focus on form. If these participants are only reading
five examples of the past hypothetical conditional, for example (e.g.,
If it hadn’t rained, I would have gone swimming), over the course of 15
weeks, it is unlikely that, if they have not mastered that structure,
they will be able to do so with such a limited amount of input and
potentially no attempted output of this structure.
What I do argue, however, is that prior studies, because of flawed and
inconsistent methodology that does not include either longitudinal data
or spontaneous and natural use of language, cannot adequately
demonstrate whether enhanced forms of input and output have resulted in
long-term alteration of the second language of the learner.
CONCLUSIONS
While experimental in scope, this study provides some evidence that
naturalistic input and output via extensive reading and writing can lead
to increased syntactic accuracy in verb use. Although further research
in this area is necessary, some quantifiable evidence now exists that
demonstrates that second language learners do not need enhanced input
and output that focuses on form in order to show gains in syntactic
accuracy. What this study does not differentiate, however, is whether
input and output provided to the learners in this study are working in
tandem or whether input or output may be more influential. That is a
question for future study. Additionally, it would be beneficial to be
able to work with students using this teaching framework for longer than
15 weeks in order to determine whether longer exposure to the target
language would result in complete elimination of errors of a certain
variety as is seen in this study.
Another important issue that must be addressed is whether linguistic
forms that are rare in naturalistic input, and therefore likely to be
rare or non-existent in naturalistic output, can be eliminated without
focus on such forms. This brings us to the issue of quantity. How much
input and /or output is enough? Participants in this study each read
approximately 350,000 words and wrote over 30,000 words during the
course of 15 weeks. Each sentence that they read and wrote presumably
resulted in the attempted use of a verb. For future study, it will be
helpful to refine the categories constituting the highest number of
errors used in this study, namely errors in verb tense and verbal
morphology. By coding these specific errors, additional evidence about
whether errors in less frequently utilized forms are reduced or
eliminated will appear. If all of the verb tenses and verbal morphemes
were coded and counted separately, clearer patterns of improvement would
certainly emerge.
Certainly, performing a similar study with a comparison group receiving
focus on form on a particular structure or structures would also be
relevant and beneficial. What I have advocated in this paper, however,
is that for such a study to be valid, certain methodological criteria
would have to be met. Data would have to be collected longitudinally
with assessments taking place at least several months after any
instructional input that attempts to focus learners on a particular
form. This would be to ensure that long-term gains are being made.
Spontaneous production tasks, either spoken or written, would also have
to be utilized to ensure that learners are relying on their linguistic
systems and not some other cognitive strategies.
A continued dialogue between researchers and more refined and effective
studies are needed to answer these questions concerning the effects of
various forms of input and output that are so vital to second language
acquisition research and pedagogy. Only when studies that incorporate
learners’ spontaneous use of language over time are able to document the
positive effects of enhanced input and output will evidence exist that
long-term alteration of the second language system of the learner has
occurred. Until then, gains attributed to form-focused instruction will
be suspect and questioned as to whether they are temporary or transient
bits of learned linguistic knowledge. This study does, however, provide
limited quantifiable evidence that naturalistic language data does
slowly but surely result in improved syntactic form in second language
learners.
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